Ships & Ways of Other Days — Inside the Classic
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Ships & Ways of Other Days — Inside the Classic can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 94,420 words, 6 hr 51 min estimated reading time, and 25 detected text sections.
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first, the light skiffs which could be easily carried from place to place. There were also the larger freight-carriers which sailed the Nile and the open sea; and lastly, there were the houseboats, a kind of modern dahabeeah. The small skiffs were made of reeds for lightness, and coated with pitch. They were punted along the shallows with a pole, or paddled. They could carry only a couple of people, and were practically ferry-boats or dinghies. But the larger boats were built of wood, and probably sometimes of acacia. The masts were of fir which was imported from Syria, the sails being occasionally of papyrus, but probably also of linen.
The lotus plant played a conspicuous part in Egyptian shipbuilding. We see the smaller craft being strengthened by the stalks of this plant, bundles of which are depicted being carried down to the yard on the backs of the shipwright’s men. The tail-piece, even of the biggest sea-going craft, is shown to be in the shape of a lotus bud or flower. That they knew how to build ships of great tonnage at these dockyards is evident from the fact that Sesostris had a sacred barge constructed that was 280 cubits long. And it was doubtless owing to the great length of the Nile sailing ships, and their consequent inability to turn quickly, that we find it unusual for the Egyptian ships to have only a single steering oar; very frequently there was one each side at the quarter.
More than this it is difficult to state regarding the manner in which they employed their ships. There is indeed very much that we should like to know, and we cannot be too thankful that modern exploration has actually revealed so many pictorial representations. The Egyptians were not instinctively seamen as the Phœnicians and the Vikings, and if there had been no Nile it is probable that the sea and its coast might have meant even less to them than was actually the case. Nor was it any different with the Assyrians, whose kings feared the sea for a long time. They never ventured on its surface without being absolutely compelled. At a later stage, when their victories brought them to the shores of the Mediterranean, they were constrained to admire its beauty, and presently even took a certain amount of pleasure in sailing on its bosom, but nothing would tempt them far from land or to make a voyage.
But then there came a new precedent when Sennacherib embarked his army on board a fleet and went in search of the exiles of Bit-Iakin. The only ships that were at his disposal were those belonging to the Chaldean States. These craft were in every way unsuitable; they were obsolete, clumsy, heavy, bad sea-boats, and slow. During his wars, however, he had seen the famous sailors of Sidon, and noted alike the progress which these seafarers had made in actual shipbuilding, and in the handling of their craft at sea. These were of course Phœnicians, and among his prisoners Sennacherib found a sufficient number of Phœnicians to build for him a fleet, establishing one shipbuilding yard on the Euphrates and another on the Tigris. The result was that they turned out a number of craft of the galley type with a double row of oarsmen. These two divisions of newly built craft met on the Euphrates not far from the sea, the Euphrates being always navigable. The contingent from the Tigris, however, had to come by the canal which united the two rivers. And then, manned with crews from Tyre and Sidon, and Cypriot Greeks, the fleet went forth to its destination; Sennacherib then disembarked his men and rendered his expedition victorious.
Here, then, is just another instance of a non-seafaring people taking to the sea not from choice, not from instinct, but from compulsion--because there was no other alternative; and all the time employing seafaring mercenaries to perform a work that was strange to landsmen, just as in later days at different periods (until they themselves had grown in knowledge and experience), the English had to import sailors from Friesland in the time of Alfred, or Italians in the early Tudor period. The sea was still hardly more than a half-opened book, and few there were who dared to look into its pages.
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE MARINE INSTINCT
Chatterton opens with a vivid contrast: the reader is asked to imagine a tea-clipper before the wind, then immediately transported to a flat calm where the Santa Maria is carried onto a sandbank. This movement between stillness and action, between the romantic image of sail and the gritty reality of grounding, sets the pattern for the entire work. The author’s method is to place the reader on deck, watching the crew “lay out an anchor astern” or feeling the tiller refuse to move. He builds his history not from abstract dates but from the feel of hemp cordage, the diameter of a mainmast, the rust showing on iron nails.
From River to Blue Water
Chatterton’s first chapters trace the shift from “river sailors rather than blue-water seamen” to ocean-going mariners. He lingers on the physical evidence: early Mediterranean anchors, the shape of a trireme’s prow as shown on a vase, the “Korax” boarding bridge in action. The reader is never allowed to forget that these vessels were built by hand, from available materials, and that each innovation—the lateen yard made of two pieces lashed together, the steering oar replaced by a tiller—was a hard-won response to a practical problem. The author’s eye for detail is forensic: he notes that the Viking anchor and block tackle are taken from Gustafson’s Norges Oldtid, and that the Roman ship found at Westminster still shows the shape of its hull. This is not a story of inevitable progress but of incremental, often fragile, achievement.
The Weight of a Ship’s Gear
Throughout the book, Chatterton returns to the physical weight and texture of maritime equipment. He describes the Santa Maria’s mainmast as measuring 2½ feet in diameter, her yards made of two pieces lashed together, her hull painted with tar and greased below the waterline. He notes that hammocks were introduced by Columbus after contact with West Indians, and that the admiral’s cabin contained a press for clothes, a stool, two chairs, and a dining-table for two. These details are not decorative; they are the evidence from which the author builds his argument about how ships were actually used. The same attention is given to earlier vessels: the Roman ship’s bronze figurehead, the Greek penteconter’s rowing arrangement, the Viking rowlock and rivet. By insisting on the material reality of each craft, Chatterton makes the reader feel the heft of history.
Navigation Without Instruments
Chatterton is particularly interested in how sailors found their way before modern navigation. He describes Columbus using an astrolabe, but also notes the older methods: the Mediterranean habit of coasting, the Viking reliance on landmarks and sea signs, the medieval use of the lead line. The author’s treatment of the Santa Maria’s grounding is instructive: Columbus’s first command was to “lay out an anchor astern” to kedge her off, but the crew rowed away instead. Chatterton uses this moment to show that seamanship and navigation are not the same thing—Columbus was “every bit as fine a seaman as he was a clever navigator.” The book repeatedly contrasts the theoretical knowledge of charts and instruments with the practical judgment needed to handle a ship in a crisis.
The Shape of the Hull
Chatterton’s descriptions of hull construction are among his most precise. He notes that the Santa Maria’s hull was “constructed somewhat roughly,” with iron nails already showing rust, and that the ship was beached twice during the voyage to be greased below the waterline. He compares this to earlier Mediterranean practice, where hulls were often built shell-first, and to the clinker-built Viking ships. The author’s interest is not in naval architecture as an abstract science but in how the shape of a hull determined a ship’s behavior at sea. He points out that the Santa Maria’s quarter-deck extended from about midships to the stern, with a poop-deck above, and that the tiller came in under the quarter-deck. These details are not random; they explain why the ship handled as she did, and why Columbus’s cabin was where it was.
Chatterton’s method is cumulative: each chapter adds another layer of practical knowledge, from the feel of a steering oar to the weight of an anchor. Readers who want to understand how ships actually worked—how they were built, rigged, and handled—will find this book a steady, detailed guide. The author’s own voice is that of a knowledgeable enthusiast, not a dry academic, and his willingness to pause over a single piece of gear or a single moment of crisis gives the history a lived-in quality. Approach the book as a series of close observations rather than a sweeping narrative, and its strengths become clear.
I have often set Chatterton's old ships sailing through my mind, their rigging humming with purpose and patience. There is a discipline to that seamanship, a quiet order, which reminds me of the steady drills in the Manual of Military Training Second, Revised Edition — Reading Companion. Both speak of hands learning their work, of readiness held calmly, like two old comrades sharing a lantern.
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