Fort Duquesne and Fort Pitt; Early Names of Pittsburgh Streets — Key Ideas to Explore
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Stobo were detained for some time at Fort Duquesne, then sent to Quebec, where they were kept prisoners for several years. While a prisoner on parole Major Stobo made good use of his opportunities by acquainting himself with the neighborhood; afterwards he was kept in close confinement and endured great hardships; but in the spring of 1759 he succeeded in making his escape in the most miraculous manner. While Wolfe was besieging Quebec he returned from Halifax, and, it is said, it was he who guided the troops up the narrow wooded path to the Heights of Abraham. Strange, that one taken prisoner in a far distant province, in a skirmish which began the war, should guide the gallant Wolfe to the victory at Quebec, which virtually closed the war in America.
Nothing of importance was done in Virginia and Pennsylvania until the arrival of Braddock in February, 1755, bringing with him two regiments. Governor Dinwiddie hailed his arrival with joy, hoping that his troubles would now come to an end. Of Braddock, Governor Dinwiddie's Secretary, Shirley wrote to Governor Morris: "We have a general most judiciously chosen for being disqualified for the service he is in, in almost every respect." Braddock issued a call to the provincial governors to meet him in council, which was answered by Dinwiddie of Virginia, Dobbs of North Carolina, Sharpe of Maryland, Morris of Pennsylvania, Delancy of New York, and Shirley of Massachusetts. The result was a plan to attack the French at four points at once. Braddock was to advance on Fort Duquesne, Fort Niagara was to be reduced, Crown Point seized, and a body of men from New England to capture Beausejour and Arcadia.
We will follow Braddock. In his case prompt action was of the utmost importance, but this was impossible, as the people refused to furnish the necessary supplies. Franklin, who was Postmaster General in Pennsylvania, was visiting Braddock's camp with his son when the report of the agents sent to collect wagons was brought in. The number was so wholly inadequate that Braddock stormed, saying the expedition was at an end. Franklin said it was a pity he had not landed in Pennsylvania, where he might have found horses and wagons more plentiful. Braddock begged him to use his influence to obtain the necessary supply, and Franklin on his return to Pennsylvania issued an address to the farmers. In about two weeks a sufficient number was furnished, and at last the march began. He reached Will's Creek on May 10, 1755, where fortifications had been erected by the colonial troops, and called Fort Cumberland. Here Braddock assembled a force numbering about twenty-two hundred. Although Braddock despised the provincial troops and the Indians, he honored Col. George Washington, who commanded the troops from Virginia, by placing him on his staff.
A month elapsed before this army was ready to leave Fort Cumberland. Three hundred axemen led the way, the long, long, train of pack-horses, wagons, and cannon following, as best they could, along the narrow track, over stumps and rocks and roots. The road cut was but twelve feet wide, so that the line of march was sometimes four miles long, and the difficulties in the way were so great that it was impossible to move more than three miles a day.
On the 18th of June they reached Little Meadows, not thirty miles from Fort Cumberland, where a report reached them that five hundred regulars were on their way to reinforce Fort Duquesne. Washington advised Braddock to leave the heavy baggage and press forward, and following this advice, the next day, June 19th, the advance corps of about twelve hundred soldiers with what artillery was thought indispensable, thirty wagons, and a number of pack-horses, began its march; but the delays were such that it did not reach the mouth of Turtle Creek until July 7th. The distance to Fort Duquesne by a direct route was about eight miles, but the way was difficult and perilous, so Braddock crossed the Monongahela and re-crossed farther down, at one o'clock.
Washington describes the scene at the ford with admiration. The music, the banners, the mounted officers, the troops of light cavalry, the naval detachment, the red-coated regulars, the blue-coated Virginians, the wagons and tumbrils, the cannon, howitzers and coehorns, the train of pack-horses and the droves of cattle passed in long procession through the rippling shallows and slowly entered the forest.
The 1921 sixth edition of Fort Duquesne and Fort Pitt; Early Names of Pittsburgh Streets, compiled by the Fort Pitt Society of the Daughters of the American Revolution, opens with a chronology that frames the struggle for the Forks of the Ohio as a series of precise military actions: Washington’s 1753 visit to Fort Le Boeuf, the French completion of Fort Duquesne in June 1754, and Braddock’s defeat exactly one year later. The text relies heavily on extracts from Parkman, Craig, Darlington, and Hildreth, yet its own editorial voice emerges in the selection of details—particularly the repeated emphasis on the physical destruction of forts and the harrowing conditions of frontier warfare.
Conflicting Claims and the Language of Possession
The narrative begins by describing eighteenth-century maps of British America as “gashed with ten or twelve colored patches,” a visceral image that underscores the contested nature of the continent. The French and English claims are presented not as abstract legal arguments but as tangible, overlapping territories. The text notes that the French built a “chain of forts” to enforce their boundaries, while Washington recommended building a fort at the “Forks of the Ohio.” This language of possession—built, enforce, recommends—frames the conflict as a series of physical occupations rather than diplomatic negotiations. The chronology itself becomes a tool of argument, listing each fort’s construction and destruction as evidence of the shifting control.
Bouquet’s March: Iron Will and the Recovery of Captives
Colonel Henry Bouquet emerges as the central figure in the later sections, described as “the man of iron will and iron hand.” The text details his 1763 march to relieve Fort Pitt, emphasizing the grueling conditions: “toiled on through the blazing heat of July over the Alleghanies.” The account of the Battle of Bushy Run is terse—two days of fighting, 115 British casualties—but the aftermath receives fuller treatment. Bouquet’s demand that the Indians deliver up prisoners before any treaty is a striking detail, and the scene of a mother singing a lullaby to her long-lost daughter, who “had almost forgotten her mother tongue,” provides a rare emotional pivot. The text notes that “not a blow was struck” in this campaign, yet the Indians were “vanquished” through the return of over three hundred captives.
The Redoubt as a Surviving Monument
The only physical remnant of Fort Pitt, Colonel Bouquet’s Redoubt built in 1764, is described as “the only existing monument of British occupancy in this region.” This statement, placed after the account of the siege and relief, gives the structure a symbolic weight. The text traces its survival through the abandonment of Fort Pitt in 1772, its renaming to Fort Dunmore, and its eventual ruinous state by 1791. The redoubt was purchased by General James O’Hara in 1805 and later presented to the Daughters of the American Revolution in 1894. The inclusion of this provenance—from military outpost to civic relic—reflects the compilers’ interest in preserving a tangible link to the events they narrate.
Readers should note that this edition is a compilation, not a single-author narrative, and its chronology and excerpts are selected to emphasize the strategic importance of the Forks of the Ohio. The text’s focus on Bouquet’s campaigns and the fate of the redoubt offers a specific lens through which to view the broader conflict. Pay attention to the recurring motifs of destruction and reconstruction, and the way the compilers use physical structures—forts, redoubts, maps—to anchor their historical claims.
Reading again how the DAR chronicled those contested forks of the Ohio, I found myself thinking of other crossings—of Nathan Hale’s quiet steadiness against André’s charm, both caught in their own gray margins. There is a particular ache in old names and older choices. It lingers, the way The Two Spies: Nathan Hale and John André — Reading Notes did for me, long after the lamp went out.
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