Discovery of Witches The Wonderfull Discoverie of Witches in the Countie of Lancaster — Text and Context

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Potts, Thomas, active 1612-1618, Crossley, James, 1800-1883 [Editor] Project Gutenberg 2006 Not confirmed
Preston, Jennet, -1612; Witchcraft -- England -- Lancashire Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 88,547
Reading time 385 min
Text sections 11

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Thomas Potts's 1613 account of the Lancashire witch trials, reprinted with James Crossley's 1845 introduction and notes. The text juxtaposes legal transcripts with moral commentary, revealing tensions between judicial procedure and popular superstition in early modern England.
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What was left unaccomplished by the centurions of literature came ultimately from the strangest of all possible quarters; from the study of an humble pupil of the transmuter of metals and prince of mountebanks and quacks--the expounder of Reuchlin _de verbo mirifico_, and lecturer in the unknown tongues--the follower of Trismegistus--cursed with bell, book and candle, by every decorous Church in Christendom--the redoubted Cornelius Agrippa; who, if he left not to his pupil Wierus the secret of the philosopher's stone or grand elixir, seems to have communicated a treasure perhaps equally rare and not less precious, the faculty of seeing a truth which should open the eyes of bigotry and dispel the mists of superstition, which should stop the persecution of the helpless and stay the call for blood. If, in working out this virgin ore from the mine, he has produced it mixed up with the _scoria_ of his master's _Occult Philosophy_; if he gives us catalogues of devils and spirits, with whose acquaintance we could have dispensed; if he pleads the great truth faintly, inconsistently, imperfectly, and is evidently unaware of the strength of the weapons he wields; these deductions do not the less entitle Wierus to take his place in the first rank of Humanity's honoured professors, the true philanthropists and noble benefactors of mankind.

In our own country, it may be curious and edifying to observe to whom we mainly owe those enlightened views on this subject, which might have been expected to proceed in their natural channel, but for which we look in vain, from the "triumphant heirs of universal praise," the recognized guides of public opinion, whose fame sheds such a lustre on our annals,--the Bacons, the Raleighs, the Seldens, the Cudworths, and the Boyles.

The strangely assorted and rather grotesque band to whom we are principally indebted for a vindication of outraged common sense and insulted humanity in this instance, and whose vigorous exposition of the absurdities of the prevailing system, in combination with other lights and sources of intelligence, led at last to its being universally abandoned, consists of four individuals--on any of whom a literary Pharisee would look down with supercilious scorn:--a country gentleman, devoted to husbandry, and deep in platforms of hop gardens,[14]--a baronet, whose name for upwards of a century has been used as a synonyme for incurable political bigotry,[15]--a little, crooked, and now forgotten man, who died, as his biographer tells us, "distracted, occasioned by a deep conceit of his own parts, and by a continual bibbing of strong and high tasted liquors,"[16]--and last, but not least assuredly, of one who was by turns a fanatical preacher and an obscure practitioner of physic, and who passed his old age at Clitheroe in Lancashire in attempting to transmute metals and discover the philosopher's stone.[17] So strange a band of Apostles of reason may occasion a smile; it deserves, at all events, a little more particular consideration before we address ourselves to the short narration which may be deemed necessary as an introduction to the republication which follows.

Thomas Potts's Discovery of Witches (1613) is not a straightforward trial transcript but a carefully shaped narrative that blends legal documentation with moral admonition. The volume, reprinted here by the Chetham Society in 1845 with an introduction and notes by James Crossley, preserves the arraignments and examinations of accused witches from the Lancashire assizes of August 1612. Potts, the clerk of the court, frames the proceedings as a 'lamentable and wofull Tragedie,' yet his text also serves as a public record of evidence, confessions, and judicial outcomes. Crossley's editorial apparatus, written over two centuries later, adds a layer of historical reflection, questioning the very reliability of the sources he presents.

The Editor's Unease

James Crossley's introduction does not simply celebrate the document he reprints. He opens with a striking ambivalence, calling the witch-trial record 'miserable' and suggesting it might be better 'cancelled' from history. He describes human nature in these pages as appearing 'in worse colours than in that dark and dismal review,' noting that childhood seems 'prematurely artful, wicked and cruel,' and women appear stripped of 'feminine adjuncts.' Crossley's discomfort is palpable: he is preserving a text he finds morally repugnant, yet he insists on its value as a historical document. This tension between preservation and condemnation runs through his notes, which often correct or contextualize Potts's claims without fully endorsing them.

The Language of Evidence

Potts's account relies heavily on depositions and examinations, but the language of these legal documents is far from neutral. Witnesses describe ailments—'sore pained in his bones,' 'a paine and a starknesse'—that follow conflicts with the accused. The cause-and-effect logic is implicit: a quarrel, then a curse, then physical suffering. Yet the text also records counter-evidence, such as when a witness recovers after seeking prayer from a glover. Potts does not suppress these details, but he subordinates them to the overarching narrative of guilt. The repeated phrase 'not well pleased' marks the emotional trigger for alleged witchcraft, reducing complex human interactions to a formula of offense and supernatural retaliation.

A Stage for Authority

The courtroom is presented as a theater of royal and judicial power. Potts invokes King James I's Daemonologie as a predictive text, claiming that the Lancashire witches have 'executed, put in practise or discouered' everything the king warned against. The assizes are described as a 'great Seat of Iustice,' and the judges—Sir Edward Bromley, Sir Thomas Gerrard—are named with their full titles. Yet the accused, like Isabel Robey, are given little voice; their pleas of 'not guiltie' are recorded, but the narrative momentum belongs to the prosecution. Potts's framing turns the trial into a morality play where the outcome is never in doubt, even as the evidence remains circumstantial and contested.

Readers approaching this edition should attend to the layers of mediation: Potts's partisan account, Crossley's skeptical annotations, and the gaps between them. The excerpts offer only fragments of the full trial record, but they reveal how legal procedure could be harnessed to confirm popular fears. Pay particular attention to moments where the testimony seems thin or contradictory—these are the places where the machinery of accusation shows its strain.

There’s something about old records of fear—like Thomas Potts’s witch trials, where law and panic blur—that stays with you quietly. I found that same weight in The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte. Vol. 3 (of 4) — Context and Discussion, not as spectacle, but as a slow ache of how people shape their own ruin. Both leave a hush after reading.

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