A History of the 17th Lancers (Duke of Cambridge's Own) — Context and Discussion
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For the facings white was the colour chosen, and for the lace white with a black edge, the black being a sign of mourning for the death of Wolfe. But the principal distinction of the new regiment was the badge, chosen by Colonel Hale and approved by the King, of the Death’s Head and the motto “Or Glory,”--the significance of which lies not so much in claptrap sentiment, as in the fact that it is, as it were, a perpetual commemoration of the death of Wolfe. It is difficult for us to realise, after the lapse of nearly a century and a half, how powerfully the story of that death seized at the time upon the minds of men.
Two days after the settlement of the dress, a warrant was issued for the arming of Colonel Hale’s Light Dragoons; and this, being the earliest document relating to the regiment that I have been able to discover, is here given entire:--
Whereas we have thought fit to order a Regiment of Light Dragoons to be raised and to be commanded by our trusty and well-beloved Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale, which Regiment is to consist of Four troops, of 3 sergeants, 3 corporals, 2 drummers, and 67 private men in each troop, besides commission officers, Our will and pleasure is, that out of the stores remaining within the Office of our Ordnance under your charge you cause 300 pairs of pistols, 292 carbines, 292 cartouche boxes, and 8 drums, to be issued and delivered to the said Lieutenant-Colonel John Hale, or to such person as he shall appoint to receive the same, taking his indent as usual, and you are to insert the expense thereof in your next estimate to be laid before Parliament. And for so doing this shall be as well to you as to all other our officers and ministers herein concerned a sufficient Warrant.
Given at our Court at St. James’ the 9th day of November 1759, in the 33rd year of our reign.
To our trusty and well-beloved Cousin and Councillor John Viscount Ligonier, Master-General of our Ordnance.
These preliminaries of clothing and armament being settled, Colonel Hale’s next duty was to raise the men. Being a Hertfordshire man, the son of Sir Bernard Hale of Kings Walden, he naturally betook himself to his native county to raise recruits among his own people. The first troop was raised by Captain Franklin Kirby, Lieutenant, 5th Foot; the second by Captain Samuel Birch, Lieutenant, 11th Dragoons; the third by Captain Martin Basil, Lieutenant, 15th Light Dragoons; and the fourth by Captain Edward Lascelles, Cornet, Royal Horse Guards. If it be asked what stamp of man was preferred for the Light Dragoons, we are able to answer that the recruits were required to be “light and straight, and by no means gummy,” not under 5 feet 5½ inches, and not over 5 feet 9 inches in height. The bounty usually offered (but varied at the Colonel’s discretion) was three guineas, or as much less as a recruit could be persuaded to accept.
Whether from exceptional liberality on the part of Colonel Hale, or from an extraordinary abundance of light, straight, and by no means gummy men in Hertfordshire at that period, the regiment was recruited up to its establishment, we are told, within [Sidenote: December.] the space of seventeen days. Early in December it made rendezvous at Watford and Rickmansworth, whence it marched to Warwick and Stratford-on-Avon, and thence a fortnight later to Coventry. Meanwhile orders had already been given (10th December) that its establishment should be augmented by two more troops of the same strength as the original four; and little [Sidenote: 1760. 28th Jan.] more than a month later came a second order to increase each of the existing troops still further by the addition of a sergeant, a corporal, and 36 privates. Thus the regiment, increased almost as soon as raised from 300 to 450 men, and within a few weeks again strengthened by one-half, may be said to have begun life with an establishment of 678 rank and file. To them we must add a list of the original officers:--
_Lieutenant-Colonel Commandant._--John Hale, 7th November 1759.
_Major._--John Blaquiere, 7th November 1759.
Franklin Kirby 4th Nov. Samuel Birch 5th „ Martin Basil 6th „ Edward Lascelles 7th „ John Burton 7th „ Samuel Townshend 8th „
Thomas Lee 4th Nov. William Green 5th „ Joseph Hall 6th „ Henry Wallop 7th „ Henry Cope 7th „ Yelverton Peyton 8th „
Robert Archdall 4th Nov. Henry Bishop 5th „ Joseph Stopford 6th „ Henry Crofton 7th „ Joseph Moxham 7th „ Daniel Brown 8th „
_Adjutant._--Richard Westbury.
_Surgeon._--John Francis.
THE MAKING OF THE 17TH LIGHT DRAGOONS
Fortescue opens his regimental history by frankly acknowledging the loss of the 17th Lancers' own papers in a 1797 shipwreck, forcing him to rely on external sources such as muster-rolls, inspection returns, and French and English drill-books from the British Museum. This archival constraint shapes the entire work: the narrative is built from official despatches, memoirs like Tarleton's, and the Clinton-Cornwallis controversy pamphlets. The result is a history that often reads as a military administrative record, punctuated by vivid, isolated incidents—such as Sergeant-Major Hampson plucking a Bheel arrow from his mouth before being fatally choked—that hint at a more personal regimental story the documents cannot fully recover.
Archival Fragments and the Shipwreck of 1797
The preface establishes that the regiment's own records are “very scanty,” consisting of little more than an inaccurate summary from sixty years prior. Fortescue identifies the loss of regimental papers by shipwreck in 1797 as the cause for the absence of documents before that year, and also for the neglect to preserve records in subsequent decades. This forces him to seek information “almost exclusively from external sources.” The first three chapters draw on original documents from the Record Office—minutes of the Board of General Officers, muster-rolls, paysheets, inspection returns, and marching orders—alongside a mass of old drill-books and military treatises in the British Museum. The most important of these are Dalrymple's Military Essay, Bland's Military Discipline, and Hinde's Discipline of the Light Horse (1778). For the American War, he relies on original despatches, Tarleton's Memoirs, and Stedman's History of the American War, the last praised for its maps and plans. The West Indian campaigns are drawn from original despatches supplemented by pamphlets, while the Maroon War is treated with “great fulness” by Dallas in his History of the Maroons, with additional matter from Bridges' Annals of Jamaica and the works of Bryan Edwards.
The Pindari Campaign and the Death of Sergeant-Major Hampson
The excerpt from the Indian campaigns provides the most detailed narrative in the supplied text. Fortescue describes the Pindaris as “the best cavalry commanded by natives in India,” with 24 guns, and notes that by 1814 their numbers were reckoned at 27,000 men. The British were initially hampered by an engagement with Scindiah that prevented pursuit into Rajpoot territory. The capture of Bungapore brought matters to a crisis, leading to a treaty with Scindiah that was quickly betrayed. The Governor-General then surrounded the Pindari country with 80,000 men. The 17th Lancers were attached to a force under Sir W. Grant Keir, advancing from Bombay. On the second day's march, the rear-guard was attacked by Bheels, described as “diminutive and wretched looking” yet “active and capable of great fatigue.” A squadron of the 17th under Colonel Stanhope drove them off, but at the cost of Cornet Marriott and several men and horses wounded. Sergeant-Major Hampson received an arrow in the mouth, calmly plucked it out, drew his pistol, shot the Bheel, and then fell dead, choked by the flow of blood. This action won the regiment the thanks of the General in field orders. Fortescue notes the difficulty of tracing subsequent movements due to the impossibility of obtaining original despatches, and compares the work to what the regiment would experience in Central India forty years later: rapid movements, dearth of material, separation into detachments, and hard forced marches for weeks on end.
The Regiment as a Lens on Imperial Military Administration
Throughout the excerpts, Fortescue's method reveals the 17th Lancers as a case study in the challenges of writing military history from fragmentary official records. The shipwreck of 1797 is not merely a footnote but a structural determinant: it explains why the early chapters rely on drill-books and treatises rather than regimental correspondence. The author's repeated references to the “impossibility of getting at the original despatches” for the Indian campaign underscore the gaps that remain. Yet the narrative also shows how external sources can be woven into a coherent account: the muster-rolls, inspection returns, and marching orders provide the skeleton, while memoirs and pamphlets add colour. The death of Sergeant-Major Hampson, drawn from an official report or perhaps a letter, stands out as a moment of human detail amid the administrative prose. Fortescue's history thus functions as both a record of the regiment's actions and a demonstration of the historian's craft under archival constraints.
Readers interested in the mechanics of regimental history will find Fortescue's preface and source notes as revealing as the battle narratives. The work is best approached not as a continuous story but as a mosaic of official documents, with the shipwreck of 1797 as its hidden fault line. Pay attention to the footnotes and the author's asides about missing materials—they often say as much about the regiment as the events described.
There’s something tender about a regimental history pieced together after loss, isn’t there? I felt that with Fortescue’s Lancers, how a unit survives even its archives. It reminded me of the quiet patience in the Historical Record of the Thirty-fourth, or the Cumberland Regiment of Foot containing an account of the formation of the regiment in 1702 and of its subsequent — Context and Discussion, where similar echoes of ordinary bravery wait.
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